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A CURSORY SKETCH 



The Motives and Pt^oceediiigs 



THE PARTY 

WHICH SWAYS THE AFFAIRS OF THE UNION; 



TOGETHER WITH 



SOME REMARKS UPON THE NATURE OF THE 



PRESENT CRISIS. 



^ y^lx. . r/l'^ty ^^ 



'' O save my country!" Ames. 



PHILADELPHIA, 
1809. 



E33i 



TO THE 

PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

In the dreadful condition to which our country is 
reduced, it seems to me to be the paramount duty of 
all to struggle to arrest the progress of our ills, and 
to restore our lost happiness. 

In obedience to this conviction, I engage in a task 
which no minor consideration could move me to un- 
dertake. The object of my inquiry is to demonstrate 
by facts the cause of our present difficulties; per- 
suaded, that so soon as the nation shall understand 
how and why it has been suddenly tumbled from the 
summit of prosperity to our present state of heart- 
rending adversity, an efficacious remedy will be 
promptly applied to the disease under which we vi- 
tally suft'er. 

Such an examination would never l^e courted, as 
the conduct of public functionaries, holding the first 
stations among us, will necessarily be exposed with 
frankness to public view. It would be much more 
agreeable to spare their feelings; but really, such is 
the width and depth of the calamity upon us, that to 
halt in the investigation of truth, lest their vice or 
folly be detected, would be treason against the re- 
public. 



The present chief magistrate is confessedly the 
author and promoter of that system of poHcy, be it 
good or be it bad, the deplorable effects of which are 
so sensibly felt by all. 

Let us look dispassionately and correctly into this 
gentleman's official character and conduct, from its 
political beginning, since the formation of the consti- 
tution under which we live. It will be found that the 
measures dictated by him, since his elevation to the 
exalted station he now fills, did not arise out of occur- 
rences to which they are made to apply; but that they 
are the leghimate offspring of a plan long ago adopt- 
ed; and which, while particularly shaped to promote 
his personal aggrandizement, indulged his strong 
feelings of hatred and love to two foreign nations. 

Passing by those letters written to some friend in 
Virginia, and introduced into the convention of that 
state, which denote a head devoted to the wildest pro- 
jects of the most visionary theory, we will take him 
up while acting as secretary of state.* 

Very soon his ambition prompted him to look for- 
ward to the presidential chair, as the successor of the 
great Washington. To contrive this was no easy task. 
Adhering to the wise and virtuous policy of Wash- 
ington would not answer; as there was one character 
at least among the many able and honourable support- 
ers of the president's measures, whose revolutionar} 
services had placed him far before Mr. Jefferson in 
the public estimation. 

* These letters will be substantially found in the debates of the 
Virginia convention. 



Opposition to the administnitiou alone oft'ered a 
chance of success, and that chance very unpromising 
indeed, so long as the nation's judgment was directed 
by a reference to its actual condition. It became ne- 
cessary to excite their jealousies, and to draw them 
from that satisfaction derived from present good, to 
those apprehensions which the prospect of future evil 
never fails to generate. 

Every individual too, most likely to obstruct the 
secretary of state's elevation, must be debased; and 
especially the vice president; who standing second by 
the public sufiVage, when selection of men for office 
was guided by respect only to their talents and their 
virtues, consequently held the fairest prospect of suc- 
ceeding the august personage then in the presidential 
chair. 

To reduce this gentleman's weight in the nation 
became a primary object, and was pressed with craft 
and perseverance. The temper and habits of the dis- 
tinguished and venerable patriot, devoted to political 
destruction, gave a wonderful facility to the success 
of the plan. 

Adams is candid, open, honourable and passionate; 
his rival found no difficulty in ripening an old intima- 
cy into the warmest friendship. 

True to its feelings, the unsuspecting Adams in a 
few years fell a victim to political treacher}'. 

In vain did those around him warn him of the im- 
pending blow: passionate reproaches were returned 
for their affectionate suggestions. Nor was the upright 
Adams undeceived, until the ax of the political 



contrivance was falling on his prostrated neck. The 
charge of love of monarchy, coupled occasionally 
with that of taking incipient steps to introduce into 
these states his alleged favourite government, was the 
machine most efficaciously worked to pull down this 
experienced, faithful and illustrious patriot. The game 
was delicate and it required a veteran gambler to play 
it well. 

To have struck at this venerable statesman on the 
general ground of American policy, would have 
been uniting him to the chief magistrate; and Wash- 
ington then held so closely the heart of the nation, that 
detraction, even from the most expert in the black 
art, dared not squint at the man so affectionately re- 
vered. 

Another conspicuous citizen was, with the same 
view, marked for sacrifice: this was Alexander Ha- 
milton, distinguished in early life by military talents, 
and rising to greater celebrity by the integrity of 
heart and profundity of judgment displayed in the 
new and arduous duties of the office to which he had 
been called. 

Holding a coministerial station with Mr. Jefferson 
in the cabinet of Washington, it was not possible, 
that characters so dissimilar should long harmonize. 

Experience was the star by which Hamilton guided 
his course; while theory, the darling of self-conceit, 
directed the mind of Jefferson. Hamilton, frank by na- 
ture and conscious of the rectitude of his intentions, 
disdained to conceal his sentiments. Jefferson's can- 
dour, being artificial, was only exhibited to serve his 



purpose; and then it was dressed in the imposing garb 
of the most humble condescension; then it was he ri- 
veted to his person the unweary youth; and then he 
deceived even the hoary statesman. 

At allother times he was circumspect; vigilantly 
pursuing his fixed plan. The downfal of the secreta- 
ry of the treasury became more and more dear to the 
secretary of state. While he himself continued to con- 
duct the assault on the vice-president; less artful, but 
more resolute subalterns combined in that levelled 
against Hamilton. B. M. and G. formed the conspi- 
cuous triumvirate in this ignominious plot; which in 
some of its material incidents, surpassed the most 
vulgar scenes which had ever been exhibited in such 
an undertaking. 

In justice to the last gentleman, I must except him 
from any participation with , and her asso- 
ciates, in their notorious coagency upon this memo- 
rable occasion. 

The secretary of the treasury was not only conjoin- 
ed with the vice-president in the imputed preference 
of the British government, but accused of plotting to 
convert by the imperceptible, though sure effects of 
political measures, our dear homespun constitution 
into the imperial nondescript of Great Britain. 

Another engine was now brought into operation, 
which being familiar to the feelings of the whole body 
of the people, and acting with double impulse, gave a 
strong impetus to the concealed project of the arch 
fabricator. 



Hatred to England and gratitude to France were 
erected as standards, by which to test the correctness 
of political opinions. The American., revolutionary 
war, though the mildest of all civil wars known to 
man, was nevertheless marked in some of its stages, 
by an atrocity on the part of Sir William Howe, and 
many of his officers, disgraceful to the country which 
gave them birth, and hostile to the acknowledged 
rights of humanity. 

These wrongs could not be easily forgotten, nor 
their effects readily forgiven. The man who maintain- 
ed the righteous doctrine, that peace begat a state of 
amity ^ as war did that of enmity; and that morality as 
well as policy commanded the cultivation of good 
will with all nations, and more especially with that 
whose naval ascendency gave to it the capacity to de- 
stroy us with impunity, on the element which bore to 
market all our surplus productions, was branded by 
the Jeff'ersonian junto as the tool of the British minis- 
ter, and denominated tory; an appellation of all others, 
most apt to draw upon his opinions and upon his per- 
son the contempt and indignation of his deluded fel- 
low citizens. Nor was the individual more exempt 
from the operation of the angry passions of the mul- 
titude, whose conscious rectitude forbadehis rejoicing 
over the tragical scenes exhibited in France, during 
their mock struggle for political liberty. 

Placed between Scylla and Charybdis, the faithful 
statesman, who pursued singly American objects and 
American good, could not long avoid shipwreck. 



Adams and Hamilton first met the fury of the storm, 
next it reached their numerous and respectable associ- 
ates, reared under the eye of Washington, approved 
and honoured by that preeminent chief; and last of 
all, the sage and hero himself began to be sprinkled 
with its venemous drops. 

The letter to Mazzei was the first link in the chain 
exposed to public view; and to give to it the obliquity 
natural to the author, it was sent across the AJantic 
to a foreigner, for the express purpose of placing it in 
a manageable condition, to be applied as its reception 
in the community might thereafter invite. This letter 
was in fact the order of battle, to guide the operations 
of all \vho should inlist under the secretary's banners; 
and it has been, in the various subsequent evolutions, 
faithfully regarded. 

Finding this daring outrage on truth, and on the 
characters of all whom calumny might designate as 
its intended objects, to pass without that notice which 
ought to have branded the author, every other mean 
likely to gain proselytes was boldly put into opera- 
tion. 

The name of liberty was prostituted to consecrate 
personal exaltation; and the men who framed, adopt- 
ed, and gave practical effect to a government, erected 
for the very purpose of insuring to posterity the 
blessings of civil and religious freedom, were de- 
nounced as anglico-monarchial aristocratical tools, and 
abettors of despotism; while these unblushing agita- 
tors, with J. in their front, took to themselves the dig- 

B 



10 

nified and alluring title of protectors of the rights and 
liberty of our common country. 

Not doubting but that such impudent and bare- 
faced falsehoods would carry with them their own an- 
tidote, they were left to experience the derision and 
contempt so justly due to them. 

The weight of name, in political contests, however 
unmerited, was not then understood; and the negli- 
gence of the majority on this as on many other occa- 
sions permitted advantages to the minority not easily 
regained. 

Next they assumed the broad designation of re- 
publicans; which as it means anything they please, 
was especially well adapted to promote the policy of 
unprincipled ambition. 

Nevertheless the good sense of the people, enjoy- 
ing as we did the highest prosperity, which alike 
astonished and delighted, together with the deep at- 
tachment of the great body of the revolutionary Ame- 
ricans, native and adopted, to their beloved Wash- 
ington, presented insurmountable barriers to the 
intrigues of the secretary of state. 

At length, fatally for our happiness, the coopera- 
tion of French and Spanish ministers, backed by the 
weight of misplaced gratitude for important services 
heretofore received from the French decapitated mo- 
narch, and seconded by every aid which could be af- 
forded by the existing government of France, gave 
an ascendency to the Jeffersonian party in the housr 
of representatives. 



11 

Previous to this epoch, Mr. J. had relinquished his 
ministerial station, pretending to take a final leave of 
personal agency in the affairs of the nation. Before his 
departure, among various official reports having the 
same tendency as they concerned himself, "and to bor- 
row the phraseology of the present secretary of war 
in his money estimates, " more or less" calculated to 
cherish his cardinal policy, the perpetuation of hatred 
to Great Britain, and the promotion of subserviency 
to France, was that which was made in pursuance of 
a resolution of the house of representatives, in rela- 
tion to the commerce of the United States. Soon fol- 
lowed those memorable resolves offered in his place 
by Mr. Madison, founded upon this report, and going 
directly to favour by legislative encouragement, the 
ernployment of French rather than British ships. 

Discriminating duties were proposed, which al- 
ways increase freight; and thus would American agri- 
culture have been taxed to provide a premium for 
French vessels. These commercial resolutions were 
maintained by the friends of Mr. Jefferson, with a 
constancy and ability worthy of a better cause. 
Their presentment constitutes an epoch in the records 
of congress not to be forgotten. Never before was 
seen a formidable, united body of representatives of 
the people, openly avowing their preference of a fo- 
reign nation, and vigorously urging legislative acts, 
not only violating the existing neutrality, but leading 
to open war with one of the great belligerent nations./ 

The success of this crude and angry system would 
have instantly blasted the high prosperity we actually 



12 

possessed; but it was defeated by the decision and 
vigour of Washington; and we reached the enjoy- 
ment of national and individual good, rarely permit- 
ted by heaven to man. 

To review the proceedings of that period, excites 
feelings not proper now to express; but I cannot omit 
remarking, that the same set of gentlemen (the 
present rulers of these states) while they pressed 
commercial restrictions and various other kindred 
measures, leading to war with the mistress of the 
ocean, opposed a proposition for providing a naval 
force competent to the protection of our commerce 
against the Algerine corsairs; and went so far as to 
recommend the subsidizing some one foreign power 
(France of course) to protect our trade in the Medi- 
terranean. Is it possible to reconcile such conduct 
with that capacity and integrity which fit men to di- 
rect the affairs of their country. 

To illustrate by one example, as well the depth of 
the infatuation which prevailed, as the ardour with 
which the policy of the retired secretary was main- 
tained, I subjoin an extract from one of the speeches 
Gelivered by the author of the commercial resolu- 
tions.* " If a revolution was to take place in Britain, 
" which for my part I expect and believe will be the 
'' case, the peerage of that country will be thronging 

* This speech was delivered in 1794 or 95, on the bill to 
amend the Naturalization Law, which very kindly opened our 
country to the eniigraiion of all, except those of ancestry, fortune 
and education. The infatuation of the president's policy, blazoned 
m the speech, has been constantly working in his councils, until 



13 

" to tke United States. I shall be ready to receive 
^' them wjth all the hospitality, respect, and tender- 
'' ness to ^V^hich misfortune is entitled. I shall sympa- 
" thize with them, and be as ready to afford them 
" whatever friendly offices lie in my power, as any 
" man," When the mind of Madison could be 
brought to enter so devotedly into the visionary and 
pernicious policy of Jefferson, we cannot be surprised 
at the rapid increase of that gentleman's disciples. 
He had retired to his unfinished grotesque niansion, 
on the top of the spur of a mountain in the state of 
Virginia, where he received the glad tidings of the 
progress of his favourite scheme; on the success of 
which so materially depended his personal aggran- 
dizement. 

Perched on this craggy summit, like the Pythian 
priestess, he issued his political oracles, all cast in 
Gallic dialect, and testifying the fitness of his philo- 
sophical self to take care of the nation. Soon were 
these whispers sounded throughout the land; and 
Monticello became as renowned in the state of Virginia 
as ever Delphi had been in ancient Greece. Models 
of modern presidential messages, they were sure to be 
ambiguous, and never failed to admit among many, 
the wished for interpretation. 

It was here that the sei-disuTit philosopher heard of 
the success of Mr. Jay's treaty, an event of all others 

at length they reduced it to the embargo exfieriment; amiably 
determining to fix upon their own country the palsy, provided 
they can but knock Britain down with an apoplectic fit. When 
will these Aviseacres understand their quantum of coercion? 



14 

most propitious to our country, and yet most repro- 
bated by the national demagogue and his daring vo- 
taries. In their virulent abuse of this measure of peace 
with Great Britain, the quiver of scandal was emp- 
tied; and corruption opened its purse with prodigality 
to the renegado editors residing among us. 

The fame of Washington himself was openly as- 
sailed; and in some of our towns, filled with inhabi- 
tants who were turned out of their route to Botany 
Bay, the wise and virtuous Jay was burnt in effigy. 

So pestilential was the political fever then raging 
in our country, that even Virginia, the native state of 
Washington, caught the disease; and the house of 
delagates denied by a recorded vote to the august 
chief the very quality to which themselves were mainly 
indebted for the honourable condition which they then 
enjoyed.* The senate, more just and dignified, crush- 
ed this disgraceful assault upon the reputation of the 
father of the nation, or Virginia in all future time 
would have felt the degradation transmitted from age 
to age in the legislative records. 

Saved as the state was from this indelible ignomi- 
ny, yet the encouragement derived from the attempt 
animated the partisans of the humble philosopher. 

The hour arrived when Washington was about 
to return to his long wished for retirement. No soon- 
er was his intention unequivocally known, than the 
Monticello philosopher redoubled his efforts to reach 

* They contended that Washhigton was destitute of wisdom I 
What a comical set of gentry must have gotten together. 



15 

the goal of his anxious wiles and toils. He was disap.r 
ointed: truth and honour, though in their wane, still 
shone, with evening splendour. 

America was filled with sons who knew no country 
but their own; and the men whose wisdom in council 
and valour in the field, had so greatly contributed to 
her success in war and to her prosperity in peace, 
were not yet regarded by their deceived fellow citi- 
zens, as conspirators against the rights and liberties 
of their countrymen. Adams was placed in the vacant 
chair; and Mr. Jefferson was called to the second sta- 
tion, of all others best adapted for the prosecution of 
his design. 

The presidential term, now begun, was a period of 
much difficulty, growing out of reiterated attempts of 
the French government to urge the United States in- 
to a war with Great Britain, in which destructive 
policy they were powerfully supported by the vice- 
president and his formidable phalanx. 

As often happens, the very reverse of the object of 
these efforts took place; amity with England was pre- 
served, and war with France actually commenced on 
the ocean. 

This was soon stopped by the provident care of the 
vice-president; who well understanding the certain 
consequences of such an event on his personal influ- 
ence in the nation, despatched a confidential messen- 
ger to the directory, with instructions adapted to the 
menacing crisis. That government became pacified; 
and the president availed himself of such disposition 
to reestablish the relations of peace and good will. 



16 

Escaping from a danger which threatened to over- 
whelm him, the vice-president in conjunction with his 
associates, concerted his ukimate measures to meet 
the approaching election. He continued to adulate his 
dear friend the President, and cultivated successfully 
the confidence (as before cursorily mentioned) of that 
virtuous and deceived statesman; nor did he forget to 
press his precious theme, hatred to Great Britain. 

Col. Burr of New- York,* now became the favou- 
rite pillar; it being reduced to a certainty that the vote 
of that state would decide the election. 

Burr, equally profound in intrigue with the philo- 
sopher himself, possessed two captivating qualities 
known to the vice-president only by name: courage 
and ostentatious generosity. 

So well fitted for the execution of the object in* 
trusted to him, (great as were the counter exertions) 
he contrived to prevail in the city, which gave the as- 
cendency in the state legislature to that party devoted 
to the elevation of Jefferson and Burr. 

They were accordingly elected without the full 
assistance of the prosperous state of Pennsylvania, 
whose elective force seems to have been curbed on 
that occasion by the legislature. 

* To this gentleman the president confessedly owed, in con- 
junction with Mr. Clinton, his elevation. Gratefully acknowledg- 
ng the favour, he laboured incessantly for one year to condemn 
his dear friend Burr for crimes of an atrocious dye; and lately told 
implicitly, his old friend Clinton to go home and feed chickens. 
^Vc pass over the complexion of Burr's occupations. 



17 

The 4th of March arrived, and with it appeared at 
his post the president elect. His inaugural speech 
gave great satisfaction: it breathed kindness to all, 
and manifested an anxiety to soften the asperities 
generated by political contest. 

The auditory were delighted, with the exception 
of some, of both parties, who well knew the character 
of the speaker. Whether the deluded many or the 
discriminating few were most correct in their judg- 
ment, a reference to this chief magistrate's conduct 
will readily show. 

The preceding review has been deemed necessary 
to open to the public iippection the leading motives 
which heretofore swavcd and continued to swav the 
presidential breast. It evidently appears that hatred 
to Great Britain and love to France were the main 
springs of action. It is probable since the gigantic ag- 
grandizement of France, that fear of her power may 
operate conjointly on his timid mind. 

The neutrality established by Washington was of- 
fensive to the new president, because he considered 
it detrimental to France; and therefore did he pri- 
vately attempt its defeat, whilst he was compelled 
officially to support the measure.* By what name will 

* Mr. Genet, once hand in glove with the now president, has 
told him in the face of the world, that while secretary of state he 
held two languages, one official and one confidential; in other 
words, that in his private character he advised perseverance in 
measures, which as secretary of state he condemned. 

Does it not add to our admiration of Washington, when we see 
him always promoting our good, though in camp and in council 
were found Arnolds? 

c 



18 

the honetit and impartial citizen designate such con- 
duct? He cannot call it American. 

The report on the commerce of the United States, 
before touched upon, with Madison's commentaries, 
incontestibly demonstrates the same preference. It is 
this fatal preference which continues to direct all his 
measures; it is this fatal preference which has brought 
us to the brink of ruin, and which threatens to close 
the long list of our ills by the dissolution of our union. 

Look at the loan of fifteen millions of dollars to 
France, misnamed purchase of Louisiana. Suppose 
that country had belonged to Great Britain, is there 
an upright man among the fastest friends of the pre- 
sident, who will violate his love of truth so far as to 
declare that the same purchase would have been 
made? No such man can be found. The offer of sale, 
on the part of Britain, would have been scornfully re- 
jected. It would have been directly said that we were 
lending money to England, with the view of assisting 
her in the war against France. If American good only 
had dictated that execrable measure, care would have 
been taken that the territory purchased should have 
been previously designated by indisputable bounda- 
ries. His imperial and royal majesty could not wait; 
and our president dared not wait. 

A second edition has been in progress; but happily 
for our honour as well as for our purse, the propi- 
tious changes in Europe have thrown it into the back 
ground. When we go into market again, it is to be 
hoped our title will be free from controversy. But 



19 

these wrongs, compared with what follow, lose all 
their sting. 

It is excruciating to record, at any time, truths so 
derogatory to the administration of our government; 
but more so now when we are surrounded at home 
and abroad with difficulties, which call for the full 
exertion of our united wisdom, and of our united 
strength. To the writer it is peculiarly painful, for 
reasons which would be satisfactory to all, could they 
with propriety be announced; nevertheless I must 
proceed; every obligation, which society imposes up- 
on man, imperiously commands it. 

In addition to the testimony exhibited, let me ask 
my fellow citizens, to what other motive than love of 
France are we to ascribe the presidential conduct to- 
wards Spain? a nation the first in Europe, who took us 
by the hand in our contest for independence,* always 
a kind neighbour, until reduced to French vassalage; 
and what is infinitely more important, exhibiting on 
the great theatre of the world the most affecting spec- 
tacle that ever was presented to mortal view, and 
claiming by the most noble, and to freemen the most 
endearing ties, the assistance of the human race, to 
uphold her in her mighty battle. Where was ever op- 
pression so severe? Where was ever perfidy so perfi- 
dious? Where were ever the rights of God and man 
so insolently, so cruelly invaded? And where, let me 

* It is not meant that Spain was the first to acknowledge, our 
independence; but she and Portugal preceded France in doing 
some very kind acts. 



2(^ 

ask, (with pride I ask it) did ever the oppressed exhi- 
bit, under such demand for vengeance, like benefi- 
cence to the vanquished? 

On so interesting an event to the cause of freedom, 
it is natural to suppose that the chief of a nation of 
freemen would have taken pleasure in testifying by 
every proper evidence, his solicitude for the success 
of twelve millions of men, figliting for every thing 
dear to humanity; and that the restoration of com- 
mercial intercourse with oppressed Spain could not 
fail to present itself to his mind with all the force it so 
justly derives from kindred feelings and true policy. 
This presumption is fortified by the recollection of 
his readiness to involve his own country in war during 
Washington's administration, lest the murderers of 
Louis XVI. his wife and family, with all the good 
and virtuous of that ill fated country, should be 
arrested in their cannibal career. But alas! the gal- 
lant maltreated Spaniard has dared to lift his sabre 
against his imperial and royal majesty! 

He shuts his ears to the revival of commercial in- 
tercourse, lest our surplus provisions might be waft- 
ed to the ill supplied camps of the enemies of France; 
he shuts his eyes to the tragical scenes of the French 
soldiery, throughout their peaceable deluded country; 
and he becomes indignant, when oppression having 
reached its acme, the oppressed, with one heart and 
one hand, turn upon the rude despoiler. Why? Be- 
cause hated Briiain prospers in proportion as Europe 
regains her pristine independence. 



21 

Noble Spain! glorious Spaniards! purpled is th} 
soil by the innocent blood of its own children; that of 
the proud conqueror, brought low, flows only in open 
battle. The instant your victorious bands return the 
sword to its scabbard, clemency presides; and the 
wounds inflicted by your heroes in self-defence are 
closed with balm and honey. Go on mighty nation, con- 
tinue to be as merciful as you are brave; the honoura- 
ble and virtuous of the human race will take a deep 
interest in the vicissitudes of your fortune; while their 
prayers will be offered with fervour and humility to 
the Almight} Ruler of the universe, to pour upon 
you the continual dew of his blessings. 

Previous to this epoch his imperial and royal ma- 
jesty, finding his project of invading England farci- 
cal, determined to annihilate her commerce; the slow 
though sure mode of destroying her nav)% long the 
only barrier to his command of the world. To eflfect 
this, the trade of every country, heretofore connected 
with Great Britain, must be totally stopped. 

He had succeeded in Europe, with the exception 
of Sweden; and the United States only remained to be 
frightened or seduced into the base combination. 
However well disposed the p might conti- 
nue to be to the destruction of Great Britain, it had 
become self-evident, that with the downfal of En- 
gland was closely associated that of the United States; 
and the men of intelligence and fortune among his 
own friends began to think that ire, carried to such a 
length, became folly. Well versed in his wiles, they 
seized every proper occasion to utter in his own way 



22 

their dissatisfaction. They have at last found out, that 
to fight England was to lose without the chance of 
gaining. Good democrats, like their prototype, love 
to put into rather than take out of the purse. Besides, 
war, however necessary, never can be acceptable to 
him whose envious mind sickens in observing merit 
rising to eminence; unless in a man too young to 
rival his superior self, and too obsequious to dare to 
do so. A military leader of brilliant abilities would be 
very apt to obscure presidential eminence; and there- 
fore, during the present reign it will be avoided, even 
in a state of war, until the blunders of dulness shall 
thin the ranks of the army. This is sure to happen in 
a trying contest, and adds to the president's aversion 
from such a state. 

Shduld nevertheless the retiring p ven- 
ture to do what, fixed to the chair, the iron mandate 
of the iron despot, with the certainty of the general 
support of his fellow citizens, could only induce him 
to do; the single resource left will be the virtue and 
wisdom of his apparent successor; although he has 
been unhappily too long in the school of theory, and , 
is I apprehend, too much attached to the visionary 
doctrines which have had so much influence in pro- 
ducing our melancholy situation. 

The idea of war with England must, in all proba- 
bility, be now abandoned; its injustice, as well as the 
stupidity of a contest where there is every probability 
of the most disastrous defeat, and scarcely a possibi- 
lity of the slightest success, stamp such folly upon the 
measure as to render the discussion of it rather the 



23 

subject of derision than of argument. There are how- 
ever some gentry among us, of whom Botany Bay was 
cheated, who are mad enough in their garrets, on 
their militia parades, and in congressional canvassing, 
to urge with almost unintelligible vehemence, war 
with England; but the house of representatives, 
coming so fresh from pure country air, cannot be 
brought seriously to entertain a felo de se measure. 
All we have to fear is, that the executive may pro- 
ceed in his oblique way, step by step, till about the 
hour of his second departure, he may consummate 
what he laid the foundation of in his report on com- 
merce just before his first departure from open agency 
in the affairs of the nation. His hatred to Great Britain 
may overcome his repugnance to war, when the re- 
sponsibility attached to its conduct so soon devolves 
upon his successor. Should this dreadful attempt be 
made, we have a consolation too flattering to relin- 
quish in the safety which results from the house of 
representatives, the holders of the national purse, the 
cornerstone of the constitution; its restorer to purity 
and to vigour; and the barrier to the consummation of 
executive plots and combinations with foreign go 
vernments. 

Should we fail here, (which God forbid) a ne\v 
house of representatives would be at hand; and the 
minority are strong enough to force a postponement 
of every momentous question, until the voice of the 
nation can be heard through their late elections. 

Let us then not despond, but rather take courage 
in the confidence, that our suftcrings will soon tcrmi 



24 

iiate and that they will produce a permanent good, by 
teaching us the folly of trusting our country to the 
selfish and the ignorant. 

Should however this double expectation of safety 
fail, we have a third resource on which we can rest 
without fear: I mean the morality of our people. 
They will draw back from an unjust war, which with 
Great Britain at this period is certainly so. Let us go 
into the inquiry. 

Three grounds of difference exist between us: 

Impressment of our Seamen. 

The Orders in Council ; and 

The Attack upon the Chesapeak. 
The right of impressment has always been exer- 
cised by all the maritime powers of Europe, whose 
naval superiority secured to them its effectual appli- 
cation; and it ought always to be acquiesced in so 
long as it is confined to merchant ships, and to the 
subjects or citizens of the impressing power. The sole 
difficulty on this point is to reduce the exercise of the 
right by mutual agreement, into convenient practice. 
A state of war ought never to have been selected as 
the period for such discussion and arrangement, espe- 
cially with England, situated as she was: it seemed to 
evince the ungenerous determination to take advan- 
tage of her distresses, in the settlement of a dispute 
on which no inifuence ought to be imposed but that 
which arose from truth and justice. Besides, the ac- 
tual state of things authorized delay to a more con- 
venient moment; it being indubitable that the number 
of British tars in our service, verv far exceeded that 



25 

of ours in their employ But I confess the last consi- 
deration is not material with me; for I am persuaded 
that wisdom directs us to confine ourselves to the em- 
ployment of our own citizens only in our own ships, 
public and private. It would be better to give a boun- 
ty to produce this practice than to depend upon any 
resource not growing out of our soil like our oaks. 
Do this, and limit your commerce to that which be- 
longs to a state of peace, then your tranquillity will be 
uninterrupted and your wealth will stick to you. The 
plough and the spade will be more in fashion; and 
your riches scattered over your lands, instead of 
being monopolized in j^our towns, will give to the 
aggregate a strength and health very much meliorate 
ing our political condition. 

Mr. Monrot* in the late treaty, laid the foundation 
for future adjustment of this interesting business by 
relieving it from some of its inconveniences, and by 
placing it in a train for amicable discussion and con- 
clusion at a more favourable period. Had the presi- 
dent been desirous of preserving amity with Great 
Britain, he would have ratified that instrument; but 
fear or love of the grand nation produced a rejection 
of the treaty, with a precipitation disgraceful to our 
government, with a harshness offensive to the British 

• No man can read the letters lately published, but who must 
sympathize with the maltreated ex-minister. The affront put up- 
on him was done in the face of Europe as well as of America. Be- 
sides the rude rejection of his and Pinkney's treaty, so long the 
particular object of his best exertions, he was supplanted with an 
indifference bordering on disgrace. 

D 



26 

government and contumelious to his own ministers. 
The subject of impressment lives, when it might have 
been put to sleep for the war; and on return of peace 
the proposed amicable adjustment would readily have 
closed it forever. On this ground then no just cause 
of war exists. 

With respect to the orders in council, the second 
alleged cause for war, it has always excited my sur- 
prise, that the good sense of the American people has 
not perceived the ground on which they rest. They 
will not take the trouble to investigate until a pres- 
sure of calamities compels them to take care of them- 
selves. 

We profess to be a fair neutral. Admit that our 
actions corresponded with our professions, and it is 
necessary to inquire, why the administration did not 
take due notice of the Berlin decree, issued by the 
emperor of France. It is insulting to our understand- 
ings to contend that Mr. Armstrong's letter to the 
minister of marine comes within that description. 
The answer of the minister is explicit only in one 
point; and that is in referring Mr. Armstrong to 
Mr. Talleyrand; but a long time elapsed before the 
reference was resorted to. The minister and the go- 
vernment, alike criminal, rested satisfied with an 
unmeaning explanation of an ojfficer who candidly 
declared that the information required was exclu- 
sively within the province of the minister of foreign 
relations: knowing too that the French decree was in 
full force, and that it deprived our country of its ac- 
customed trade to Great Britain. Had the erovernment 



27 

met this decree with that spirit and firmness called 
for, as well by its atrocity as by the character of the 
nation whose honour and interest were intrusted to 
their safe keeping, we should nev^er have heard of 
British orders in council. 

Finding that America was passive under this viola- 
tion of her neutrality, Great Britain adopted measures 
of retaliation, rendered indispensable by a due regard 
to self-preservation. The apology on the part of ad- 
ministration, for this culpable supineness, is really 
contemptible. The president it seems, flattered him- 
self that the French decree would remain a dead 
letter, and waited till its resurrection should be an- 
nounced by overt act, before he would take upon 
himself the discharge of the honourable duties of his 
high station. Such conduct would have been pardon- 
able, had no other nation but France and the United 
States been interested; but knowing as he did, that 
another belligerent was deeply interested, he ought to 
have stopped her interference, so far as we were con- 
cerned, by adopting instantly, with sincerity and with 
vigour, adequate measures in vindication of our vio- 
lated neutrality. Suppose instead of a declaration of 
commercial plunder, it had been a declaration of open 
war, he might with equal propriety have waited till 
the first blow (an overt act) was struck. There is a 
littleness in such sort of vindication too low to stoop 
to. Strip this subject of all superfluity, and it will 
stand simply thus: we submitted to the decree of one 
belligerent, openly and impudently violating our neu 
trality; which produced from the other belligerent 



28 

counteracting measures, equally violating our neu- 
trality; but mitigated by the consideration that our 
neglect of ourselves forced the interposition of which 
we complain. Is it possible that because we brought 
on ourselves a great evil, we shall by way of vindica- 
tion of self-neglect, be induced to wage an unjust and 
ruinous war against a nation, whose crime is the tak- 
ing care of herself, after vainly waiting for a long time 
in the just expectation of our defending our violated 
rights. Such self-destruction may suit the executive, 
as it seems to be the only way left to skreen his vice 
or his folly from detection and punishment; but it ne- 
ver can comport with the morality or the interest of an 
honest, industrious people, living by the sweat of the 
brow. Congress ought not to entertain for a moment 
any proposition leading to an appeal to arms, predi- 
cated on such slight grounds; however strenuously 
advocated it may be by the minions of executive 
power. 

We come lastly to consider the outrage on the 
Chesapeak. It was indubitably an act of hostility, and 
good cause of war, had the British government justi- 
fied the act. What was the conduct of the British go- 
vernment on the occasion? The moment it was known, 
its proper organ communicated it to our minister in 
London, anxiously soliciting information on the sub- 
ject; deploring the event, and avowing a readiness to 
make ample satisfaction in case the British officers 
should have been culpable. 

This first step on the part of the aggressor certain- 
ly merits approbation. The second is in unison with 



29 

the first. The British government abjured the preten- 
sion of a right to search ships of war in the national 
service of any state, for deserters; and declared that 
if the act of the British officers rested on no other 
ground than the simple and unqualified assertion of 
the above pretension, the king has no difliculty in dis- 
avowing that act, and will have no difficulty in mani- 
festing his displeasure at the conduct of his officers. 
What could be uttered better adapted to manifest the 
solemn determination of the British government to 
render complete satisfaction for the outrage commit- 
ted upon our honour? What language could convey 
such determination, in terms more expressive of a 
disposition sincerely devoted to the perpetuation of 
amity between the two nations? In this stage of the 
business, the British secretary received an unofficial 
co])y of the president's proclamation, interdicting to 
the British fleet the hospitality of our waters. Struck 
with this appearance of hostility, before any demand 
for reparation had been made, he requested of our 
minister information, whether he had received any 
communication from his government, enabling him to 
pronounce upon the authenticity of such paper. If 
authentic, he begs to know whether it is the intention 
of the government of the United States to carry into 
effect the provisions of that proclamation, without re- 
quiring or waiting for any explanation on the part of 
the British government, respecting the late unfortu- 
nate transaction. Mr. Monroe had not heard from 
Washington, and of course could not give the infor- 
mation requested. On the 1st of September he an- 



30 

nounced to the British secretary, his having received 
despatches from his government; and on the 7th ad- 
dressed him in form. A correspondence ensued, in 
which the British secretary reverts to the president's 
proclamation, and adds: " I feel it an indispensable 
" duty to renew my inquiry on this subject. The an- 
■^'swer, which I may receive from you, is by no 
" means unimportant to the settlement of the discus- 
" sion which has arisen from the encounter between 
" the Leopard and the Chesapeak." Mr. Monroe in 
reply, says: " Before this aggression, it is well known 
"that his Britannic majesty's ships lay within the 
" waters of the Chesapeak, and enjoyed all the advan- 
" tages of the most favoured nation; it cannot there- 
" fore be doubted that my government will be ready 
" to restore them to the same situation, as soon as it 
" can be done consistently with the honour and rights 
*■' of the United States." The negotiation between 
these two ministers soon stops, inasmuch as Mr. 
Monroe's instructions had united, with the affair of 
the Chesapeak, other topics of difference, which the 
British government deemed proper for separate dis- 
cussion: an opinion uttered by Mr. Monroe on the 
first notice of the unfortunate transaction, and con- 
curred in by Mr. Canning. This unlucky interruption 
prevented Mr. Monroe's satisfactory conclusion of 
the negotiation in London. The British government 
nevertheless persevered in their disposition to redress 
the wrong committed; and accordingly despatched 
Mr. Rose envoy-extraordinary to the United States 



ol 

In his first conference with Mr. secretary Madison, 
it appears from their correspondence that a separation 
of the affair of the Chesapeak from other matters of 
dispute, and the repeal of the president's proclama- 
tion, were prerequisites on the part of the British en- 
voy, to his entering upon the execution of his mission. 
The separation required was readily granted, but the 
repeal of the proclamation was absolutely refused. In 
the conclusion, Mr. secretary Madison made a pro- 
position in appearance very accommodating. To a 
transient reader of the correspondence, the proposal 
would induce a belief, that the president was anx- 
iously disposed to close the unhappy contest; but if 
he will turn his mind attentively to the subject he will 
find such belief completely erroneous. Mr. Rose's 
declaration did not admit a doubt as to the tenor of 
his instructions. They forbade his advancing one step 
in the business of reparation unless the proclamation 
should have been annulled. This being known to the 
president, he ran no risk of the acceptance of any 
proposition however conciliating; and therefore he 
seized with avidity the opportunity of appearing, in 
the face of his country, solicitous for settlement of 
differences with a nation, to which so many of his fel- 
low citizens had always suspected him of dire hatred. 
Basidras, the Spartan, would not have acted thus: he 
thought " a fraud, cloked with a specious pretence, 
"reflects infinitely greater dishonour on persons of 
*' high stations than open violence; because the latter 
'' is the effect of the power which fortune has put intc* 



32 

• our hands; and the former is founded wholly on 
*' perfidy, which is the pest of society."* 

In the argument of Mr. secretary Madison, some 
stress is laid on insults and injuries sustained from 
officers of the British navy before the outrage on our 
frigate. Their conduct is certainly reprehensible and 
deserves punishment. But the British government 
cannot be justly charged with participation in their 
culpability. The British, like every other government, 
is partial to her own officers. This is natural and lauda- 
ble, unless carried too far. However, captain Whitby 
of the Leander, one of the examples cited by the se- 
cretary, was tried by a court martial in England, in 
consequence of the remonstrance of our government, 
and was acquitted; not because the court was satisfied 
with his conduct, but because he was charged by our 
executive with murder; and the prisoner proved that 
he was not on board of his ship when the gun, whose 
ball unluckily killed Pierce, was discharged. It was 
not possible under this testimony, for the court to do 
otherwise than to acquit. The government ought to 
have preferred their charge against the senior officer 
of the ship acting when the gun was fired. A practical 
knowledge of human nature would lead the president 
to understand, that in large fleets and armies, jiist and 
candid as may be the government, and strict as may 
be the chief of such fleet or army, some vicious and 
unprincipled officers, availing themselves of every op- 

* This quotation will be found in the History of Ancient 
Greece. 



33 

portunity to indulge their licentious passions, will 
often violate the laws of God and man. Of this truth 
he might find, if he chose, ample illustration in his of- 
ficial experience. 

Leaving these minor occurrences, Mr. secretary 
Madison goes fully and ably into the merits of the 
controversy, and cites certain historical transactions, 
maintaining, from British precedents, the propriety 
of the president's resolution, never to repeal his pro- 
clamation, until receipt of satisfaction. The cases he 
refers to are those of Turk's island, Nootka sound, 
and the Falkland islands. They would be conclusive, 
if the secretary's construction was correct. The Bri- 
tish government would have been exhibited in a de- 
grading light; for it would have been established, that 
they abandoned their own principles of action, when- 
ever they found them to be incompatible with their 
interest. 

It is unnecessary to examine all the cases, being 
precisely alike. We will take that of Nootka sound. 
By referring to the memorial of Count Florida Blan- 
ca, and the correspondence wliich followed between 
him and the British ministers (first Merry, afterwards 
Fitzherbert) it will appear, that as soon as the court 
of Madrid heard of the detention of the English ves- 
sel at Nootka sound, (a country claimed by Spain) 
taken in the attempt to establish a settlement there; 
its ambassador at London represented to that court 
what had passed, requiring the punishment of the 
parties who had planned the expedition, to deter 
others from following their example. The English 



34 

minister answered, that he was not acquainted with 
the affair; but that the act of violence mentioned in 
the Spanish memorial, suspended all discussion until 
atonement was made for such violence, and the ship 
restored. This point being adhered to, Spain at length 
conformed to it; and after atonement and restitution 
were made, a convention was readily entered into be- 
tween the two governments, settling all disputes re- 
sulting from conflicting rights. It is worthy of remark, 
that upon this occasion, Great Britain would not, as 
in our case, consent to mingle the discussion of rights 
with the discussion of a question respecting atone- 
ment for insult. But the distinction, which I rely up- 
on as proving the want of analogy in the authorities 
quoted by the American secretary, is, that Great Bri- 
tain had done no act of retaliation, redress, or even 
precaution; she waited to obtain justice agreeably to 
the forms established between nations. Had this been 
denied, she would, no doubt, have resorted to her 
proclamations, her fleets, and her armies. 

In the two other cases mentioned, she acted pre- 
cisely in the same way; and the result was as it ought 
to have been. But did our government thus proceed? 
No: it instantly commenced its operations by inter- 
dicting our waters to the British navy. I approved 
highly of the proclamation, the most dignified and 
judicious measure in my judgment of the president's 
long administration; being pacific in its intention, as 
I thought, and dictated in that spirit to prevent colli- 
sions, which, in the then existing heat, might have 
produced bloodshed. But it seems I was mistaken. 



35 

Had it been a measure of peace and precaution, tlic 
disavowal^of the king, made instantly to our minister, 
of his pretension to the fight of searching ships of war 
for deserters, followed up in a few weeks by a procla- 
mation declaring the same disavowal, together with 
his readiness, communicated by Mr. Canning to Mr. 
Monroe, to make reparation and to punish the culpa- 
ble officers, would as soon as known to the president, 
have produced its removal, especially as he was in- 
formed by Mr. Monroe, that the step had most se- 
riously attracted the notice of the British government. 
How can we account for such perverseness, but by 
referring to the old source of presidential conduct, 
where ever England is concerned. Most lamentable 
for our country was the decision to adhere to the 
proclamation. It has introduced extreme difficulties 
in any future advance towards accommodation. Be- 
sides, it was wrong in principle; being the continua- 
tion of hostility to a nation whose government had 
given repeated and unequivocal proofs of a sincere 
disposition to restore amity by making full redress. 
It was ungenerous; in as much as it conveyed the 
insinuation (to the brave most contumelious) that 
*' I do not believe your professions; and therefore I 
"^ will not recede from my attitude, until you do what 
" I demand." We will illustrate this observation by 
the practice of individuals. Duels are sometimes 
fought on the condition of each combatant advancing 
and firing when he pleases. Instances can be pro- 
duced, when one combatant, reserving his fire, walks 
up to his antagonist, who had fired in vain, and clap 



36 

ping his pistol to his breast oflfers to spare his life, if 
he will make the required apology. " No," replies the 
brave defenceless man, " fire! I will never apologize 
" by compulsion." A brave nation, unless prevented 
by its government, will always act like a brave man. 

Lastly it is unsupported by the authorities adduced; 
for Great Britain obeyed the forms established between 
nations for the purpose of preventing war, by passively 
waiting until redress had been required; whereas our 
government instantly retaliated and would not with- 
draw her hostile measure, after British disavowals of 
having authorized the outrage, and endeavours to 
make atonement and reparation, had stripped the pro- 
clamation of every meaning, but that of indisposition 
towards amity to England. 

The British envoy returned home; intercourse be- 
tween the two nations remained stopped; our flag was 
alienated from the ocean; our eastern states were re- 
duced nearly to starvation; our country is filled with 
discord; and even our firesides become comfortless. 

Proud in his ill acquired confidence, the president 
mocks at our distress; and rather than acknowledge 
liis error (I hope not vice) perseveres in his course; 
consigning to jails and to the wheelbarrow crowds of 
his unhappy fellow citizens, whom the annihilation of 
^•alue attached to property and to labour, has thrown 
upon the mercy of the creditor, and on the bounty of 
the opulent; while he himself having paid his heavy 
debts, changed his humble house into a lofty palace, 
and enriched his estates by expensive improvements, 
out of bis eight years' savings of his official salary. 



37 

retires to ease and to splendour, leaving to us the 
hard lot of penury and despair. 

My brave, my dear countrymen ! is it not time to 
reflect? I he cruelty of our condition is endured with 
difficulty. Oppression, from the hand reared by your- 
selves to protect you, comes with a scorpion's sting. 

Bonaparte rules by the sabre and by the bayonet; 
the miserable French are his slaves. Jefferson rules 
by exiling from the public councils of the state and 
nation, truth, honour and intelligence, with the ex- 
ception of a few, very few individuals, scarcely suffi- 
cient to keep alive the holy fire, lighted up by our 
gallant sires. We are reaching with quick steps the 
French condition, and must certainly fall into the 
gulf which has long been preparing for us, if the 
mandate of his imperial and royal majesty be obeyed, 
and war with England produced. 

Ought not then every class of our citizens, who are 
fixed to the soil, to prepare for the worst? And ought 
not the state legislatures to continue in session, till 
presidential schemes take their congressional shape? 
More is required at their hands: they ought to ex- 
press, with perspicuity and with firmness, their sen- 
timents on the present alarming state of the nation; 
depicting with candour their conviction of the causes 
of our distress, and the best mode of relief; never for- 
getting that there are conjunctures, in the vicissitude 
of human affairs, in which a nation has but one part 
to take, namely, to fight, to conquer, or to die. The 
period seems fast approaching, when we may cry 
aloud with the prophet Nahum: " I hear the noise o1" 



3B 

'=' u wliip, and the noise of the rattling of wheels, of 
" the prancing of horses, and of the jumping of cha- 
" riots; they rage like a tempest in the street; they 
" blaze like torches; they run like lightning. The 
" horsemen liftcth up both the bright sword and the 
" glittering spear. There is a multitude slain, yet no 
" end to the slaughter; they stumble upon the corpses. 
" because of the great number." 

Susquehanna, November 16th, 1808. 



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